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Source:
Commager, Henry Steele, ed. Documents of American History. 7th
ed. Vol. II. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1962.
393. WILSON'S SPECIAL MESSAGE ON MEXICAN RELATIONS August 27,
1913
(Congressional
Record, 63d Congress, 1st. Sess., Vol. 50, p. 3803-04)
The Mexican situation reached a crisis in the summer
of 1913.
For the diplomatic and political background of our relations with Mexico
at this time, see J.
F. Rippy, The United States and Mexico, ch. xx; E. E. Robinson and V. J.
West, The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson, passim;
R. S.
Baker, Woodrow
Wilson, Life and Letters, Vol. IV, ch.
vi; J.
M. Callahan, American Foreign Policy in Mexican Relations, ch.
xiv
Gentlemen of the Congress: It is clearly my duty to lay before you, very
fully and with-out reservation, the facts concerning our present
relations with the Republic of
Mexico. The deplorable posture of affairs in Mexico I need not describe,
but I deem it my duty to speak very frankly of what this Government has
done and
should seek to
do in fulfillment
of its obligation
to Mexico herself, as a friend and neighbor, and to
American citizens whose
lives and vital
interests are daily
affected by
the distressing conditions which now obtain beyond our southern
border. . . .
The peace, prosperity and
contentment of Mexico mean more, much
more,
to us than merely an enlarged field for our commerce and enterprise.
They mean an enlargement of
the field of self-government and the )realization of
the hopes and rights of a nation with whose best aspirations, so
long suppressed and disappointed, we deeply sympathize. We shall yet
prove to the
Mexican people that we know how to serve them without first
thinking how we shall serve ourselves. .
. .
Mexico has a great and enviable future before her, if only she
choose
and attain the
paths of honest constitutional government. The
present circumstances of the Republic, I deeply regret to say,
do not seem to
promise even the foundations of such a peace. We have waited many
months, months full of peril and anxiety for the conditions there to
improve, and they have not improved. They have grown worse, rather. . .
. War and disorder,
devastation and confusion, seem to threaten to
become the settled
fortune of the distracted country. As friends we could
wait no longer for a solution which every week seemed further
away. It was our duty at least to volunteer our good offices-to offer to assist,
if we might,
in effecting some arrangement which would bring relief and
peace and set up a universally acknowledged political authority
there.
Accordingly, I took the liberty of sending the Hon. John Lind, formerly
governor
of Minnesota, as my
personal spokesman and representative,
to the City of Mexico, with the following instructions:
[Instructions follow]. . . .
Mr. Lind
executed his
delicate and difficult mission with
singular tact, firmness, and good judgement, and made clear to
the authorities at the
City of Mexico not only the purpose of his visit but also the
spirit in which it had
been
undertaken. But the proposals he submitted were rejected. . .
I am led to
believe that they were rejected partly because the authorities at Mexico
City had, been grossly misinformed and misled upon two points. They did
not realize the spirit of the American people in this matter, their
earnest friendliness and yet sober determination that some just solution
be found for the Mexican difficulties; and they did not believe that the
present administration spoke through Mr. Lind for the people of the
United States. The effect of this unfortunate
misunderstanding
on their part is to leave them singularly isolated and without friends
who can effectually aid them. So long as the misunderstanding continues
we can only await the time of their awakening to a realization of the
actual facts. We can not thrust our good offices upon them. The
situation must be given a little more time to work itself out in the new
circumstances; and I believe that only a little more will be necessary.
For the circumstances are new. The rejection of our friendship makes
them new and will inevitably bring its own alterations in
the whole
aspect of affairs. The actual situation of the authorities at Mexico
City will presently be revealed.
Meanwhile what is it our duty to do? Clearly everything that we do must
be rooted in patience and done with calm and disinterested deliberation.
Impatience on our part would be childish, and would be fraught with
every risk of wrong and folly. We can afford to exercise the
self-restraint of a really great nation which realizes its own strength
and scorns to misuse it. It was our duty to offer our active assistance.
It is now our duty to show what true neutrality will do to enable the
people of Mexico to set their affairs in order again, and wait for a
further opportunity to offer our friendly counsels. The door is not
closed against the resumption, either upon the initiative of Mexico or
upon our own, of the effort to bring order out of the confusion by
friendly "cooperative action, should fortunate occasion offer.
While we
wait, the contest of the rival forces will undoubtedly for
a little while be sharper than ever, just because it will be
plain that an end must be
made of the existing situation, and that very promptly; and
with the
increased activity of the contending
fractions
will come, it is to be feared, in
creased danger to the non-combatants in Mexico as well as to those
actually in the Rd of battle. The position of outsiders is ways
particularly trying and full of hazard here there is civil strife and a
whole country is upset. We should earnestly urge Americans to leave
Mexico at once, and should assist them to get away in every way
possible-not because we would mean to
slacken in the
feast our efforts to safeguard
their lives and their interests, but because it
is imperative
that they should take no un necessary risks when it is physically
possible for them to leave the country. We should let every one who
assumes to exercise authority
in any part of
Mexico know in the most un equivocal way that we shall vigilantly watch
the fortunes of those Americans
who can not
get away, and
shall hold those responsible for their sufferings and losses to a
definite reckoning. That can be and will be made beyond the possibility
of a misunderstanding.
For the
rest, I
deem it
my duty to exercise
the authority
conferred upon me by the law
of March 14, 1912, to see to it
that neither side
of the struggle now
going on in Mexico receive
any assistance from
this side the border.
I shall
follow the
best practice of nations in
the matter of neutrality by forbidding
the exportation of arms or munitions of war of any kind from the
United States to any part of the Republic of Mexico-a policy suggested
by several interesting
precedents and
certainly dictated
by many manifest
considerations of practical expediency. We can not
in the circumstances
be partisans of either party to the contest
that now distracts
Mexico, or constitute ourselves the virtual umpire between them.
I
am happy to say that
several of the great Governments of the world
have given this
Government their generous moral support in
urging upon the provisional
authorities at the City of Mexico the acceptance of our proffered offices in the spirit in
which they were made. . . .
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